Joining the euro: A leap of faith?
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Simon Buckby, Chief Executive of pro-euro lobby Britain in Europe,
invites you to take a hard look at the consequences of remaining outside the
single European currency indefinitely. With just a few weeks to go until the second anniversary of the
euro's launch, UK public opinion has swung so decisively against it that hardly
anyone dares back it publicly. Simon Buckby, however, has no doubt that the
pendulum will swing the other way once economic circumstances change. Oh, we will join the euro if it is in our economic interest to
do so, he tells Business Europe emphatically. Of course, we're
free to let (the eurozone) flourish without us, but let's not pretend that
there will be no consequences from remaining outside.
Buckby stresses that he is no traditional pro-European. A former
Financial Times and BBC reporter, he claims that he joined Britain in Europe
out of frustration at the way knee-jerk media responses to European issues
makes debating them impossible in the UK. In keeping with his lack of formal ties to Europe, he keeps his
arguments in favour of joining the single currency dispassionate and rooted in
economic analysis. This, he argues, sets him apart from his anti-euro
counterparts. Many of the euro's opponents pretend that the EU is a looming
superstate poised to roll across our borders. They're therefore simply not
interested in assessing its economic benefits, he said.
This, Buckby argues, is a grave mistake. Although he agrees that it
would make no sense for the UK to join the euro at its current valuation
against the pound, he believes that UK businesses, large and small, are already
paying the price for the UK's non-participation. He cites the well-known example of car giant Nissan threatening to
relocate its Sunderland plant to the eurozone so as to avoid currency risk
exposure. He also argues that while the proportion of SMEs exporting directly
to the eurozone is relatively low, the complexity of modern industrial supply
chains is such that many more are indirectly involved in EU trade without
realising it. There are 17,000 SMEs in the (automotive industry) supply
chain in the north-east alone. This is a critical issue for them, said
Buckby.
He does acknowledge that Britain in Europe, backed mainly by business
giants such as Unilever and British Airways, is seen by many SMEs as an
essentially self-interested association of multinationals. However, he believes
that when the time comes to vote in a referendum, many owner/managers will look
again at the euro issue, and conclude that the single currency would benefit
them as well. At the moment, most of them are against it without really
knowing why. When they're called on to vote, and therefore have to turn their
minds to the issue, that may well change, he said.
As for the macroeconomic issues raised by euro membership, Buckby
believes that the UK has everything to gain and little to lose by signing up to
the single currency. The benefits are those of stable exchange and interest rates, low
inflation, and price transparency. He argues that the recent campaign against
rip-off Britain is an early taste of the pressure to cut the
cost of consumer goods that would come with perfect price-transparency across
the EU. In turn, he makes light of the potential pitfalls highlighted by
anti-euro campaigners. In response to those who doubt that a single interest
rate can ever meet the needs of several divergent economies, he argues that if
the UK were to join, the European Central Bank would have to adjust its
interest rate policy accordingly. The UK accounts for 17% of the EU's GDP, about the same as
France and only a couple of percentage points lower than Germany. The ECB would
have to take notice if we joined. Remember also that any interest rate is a
muddled average of the different needs of different sectors and different
regions, even within Britain.
He also rejects the argument that joining the euro would put the UK
under pressure to align its taxes with the higher rates found in most eurozone
countries.That doesn't stack up. There's no reason why taxes can't
differ from one region to another. Buckby envisages a situation where eurozone countries, deprived of
any influence over monetary policy, would instead adjust their tax rates in
order to stimulate or dampen economic growth. He adds that at least four
countries within the eurozone are just as strongly opposed to tax harmonisation
as the UK, but did not see this as a reason for remaining outside. Finally, Buckby dismisses the view that the UK would do better to
remain true to its historical role as a global trading hub, arguing that this
approach has already led to costly mistakes. That was the argument against our signing the Treaty of Rome
in 1957, and we ended up joining anyway in 1973 because it wasn't true. The
problem was that by then, we were joining a club where the rules had already
been drawn up against us. That's why we found ourselves stuck with the Common
Agricultural Policy and disproportionately high contributions to the EU
budget.
Moreover, the UK is again running the risk of economic isolation by
not participating in the single currency. The point is, the euro is here
now. As non-members, why should (the eurozone bloc) listen to us when the next
crisis comes along? He points out that major EU economic decisions are already
increasingly being being discussed first by the 11 eurozone finance ministers.
Known collectively as the eurogroup, their monthly meetings are gradually
supplanting the old Ecofin gatherings of all 15 EU finance
ministers. The big remaining question, of course, is what will now happen to the
11-member single currency. Buckby is in little doubt that it will shortly
recover from its slump against the dollar and the pound, and go on to establish
itself as a strong and stable currency. Once this happens, he suggests,
doubters in the UK will become more receptive to Britain in Europe's
arguments. However, this is perhaps the one area where his dispassionate,
factual analysis of the issues breaks down, and starts to look something like a
leap of faith.
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